Conservative climate justice for a sustainable transformation

 The purpose of this project is to determine whether, and how, conservative principles can support an effective and just low-carbon transition.

The paper argues that the Swedish ‘neo-liberal’ party (Moderaterna) has adapted its policies due to the popularity of the ‘universal’ Swedish welfare state. Over time, the party in its rhetoric and id

British Journal of Social Psychology Abstract Throughout the literature, there are assertions that those endorsing conservative ideologies reject the science and solutions of climate change due to perce

Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 98, Pp. 184-187. doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.04.020 Abstract Political conservatives and males are more likely to deny human influence on climate change. In

Scandinavian Political Studies, doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12147 Abstract As in many other European countries, the political system has undergone rapid changes in Sweden while a radical right‐wing party –

Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy Abstract Populist right‐wing politicians and voters tend to dismiss climate change. To investigate possible reasons for this, we tested correlations between c

I work together with Olle Torpman, Göran Duus-Otterström and Kirsti Jylhä on the research project Conservative Climate Justice for a Sustainable Transformationin which we will examine the compatibility betw

Mind 130(520), 2021 Abstract The Bayesian maxim for rational learning could be described asconservative changefrom one probabilistic belief orcredencefunction to another in response to new information. ). But can this conservative-change maxim be extended to revising one’s credences in response to entertaining propositions or concepts of which one was previously unaware? The economists,) make a proposal in this spirit. Philosophers have adopted effectively the same rule: revision in response to growing awareness should not affect the relative probabilities of propositions in one’s ‘old’ epistemic state. The rule is compelling, but only under the assumptions that its advocates introduce. It is not a general requirement of rationality, or so we argue. We provide informal counterexamples. And we show that, when awareness grows, the boundary between one’s ‘old’ and ‘new’ epistemic commitments is blurred. Accordingly, there is no general notion of conservative change in this setting.

Daniel Ramöller

I am a researcher in philosophy at the Institute for Futures Studies. I did my PhD at the Department of Philosophy, Stockholm University, with a thesis entitled On the possibility of limited weighing o.

i: Sustainability The linkage between political right-wing orientation and climate change denial is extensively studied. However, previous research has almost exclusively focused on the mainstream righ= 2216), a mainstream right-wing party (the Conservative Party,,= 634), and a mainstream center-left party (Social Democrats,= 548) in Sweden. Across the analyses, distrust of public service media (Swedish Television,), socioeconomic right-wing attitudes, and antifeminist attitudes outperformed the effects of anti-immigration attitudes and political distrust in explaining climate change denial, perhaps because of a lesser distinguishing capability of the latter mentioned variables. For example, virtually all Sweden Democrat supporters oppose immigration. Furthermore, the effects of party support, conservative ideologies, and belief in conspiracies were relatively weak, and vanished or substantially weakened in the full models. Our results suggest that socioeconomic attitudes (characteristic for the mainstream right) and exclusionary sociocultural attitudes and institutional distrust (characteristic for the contemporary European radical right) are important predictors of climate change denial, and more important than party support per se.